Why Khalistan is the biggest loser of 2025 Canadian elections, world news

There is a maxim that goes: Once you wake up, you break up. The opposite is also true – Get unheard, go unabated. And while the main story of the previous Canadian election was that the liberal managed to win after leaving Justin Trudeau like a stale waffle, the most matters to New Delhi that the Khalistani is a dissection of the Gangerne that infected cannadai politics.
Not long ago, Canadian politicians embraced the Khalistanis with the enthusiasm of the uncles hugging the bartender at the wedding reception. But if 2025 results are no indication, time is A-chennin. ,

Left to right, Liberal Leader Mark Carney, Block Cubeback Leader Yaves-Francois Blanchet, NDP leader Jagmeet Singh and Orthodox leader Pierre Pielevere French-Language Federal leaders before arguments before the beginning of this week earlier this week
Let’s Rewind.
The Khalistan movement was born in blood and confusion. In the 1980s, thousands of Indians lived in the assassination of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Air India flight 182, in which scores of Canadian citizens were also killed. It was a terrorist attack that shook the world long before 9/11.
This terrorism was designed as liberation. And when a fire broke out in Punjab, they were flickering in suburban gurudwaras all over the west. Diaspora extremism exported a failed revolution-foreign passport in one hand, anti-India poster in another.
Enter Canada: Disneyland of Diaspora fundamentalism. Trudeau’s liberals treated not as a national security threat with Sikh extremism, but as an ethnic mood board for vote-bank politics. His office removed the context of Sikh extremism from terrorism reports. Cabinet ministers smiled next to the float parade characterized by Indira Gandhi’s assassination. And when terrorists like Gurpantt Singh Pannun threatened violence, Trudeau’s government responded to “freedom of expression”.
Then Hardeep Singh came to Nizar. When the Khalistani militant was closed in 2023, Trudeau broke diplomatic sound obstacles to accuse India – without proof, a step, a step, which performed brilliantly and made it a global meme, which was mostly equipped with the world’s cheapest internet and English knowledge. In fact, if anyone reads only about canadian or nijar from American outlets, someone might have admitted that he was a loving plumber, doubled as a worker, gurudwara worker and a kitchen scrubber – who all failed to mention that privaters had gone to Pakistan for weapons training.
Like father
Of course, the son’s move was hardly surprising, given that Pierre Trudeau once refused to extradite Talwinder Singh Parmar-a prominent Khalistani terrorist and co-founder of Babbar Khalsa International. Parmar was wanted in India to kill two Punjab police officers. The Canadian government’s refusal rests on the technology that India recognized the British Emperor only as the head of the Commonwealth, not as the head of the state. Canada argued that the Commonwealth extradition protocols were not implemented. Parmar lived in Canada and moved to the mastermind in the 1985 Air India Flight 182 bombing – the deadliest terrorist attack in Canadian history, killing 329 people, including 268 Canadian citizens.
Trudeau of Trudeau later admitted that he had no difficult evidence. His five eyes got scared and blinked. Even Americans – never pasting fingers in sovereign pie – politely urged Canada.
Meanwhile, India acted like an adult in the room. It did not roar. It was not. It was just waiting – a drunk on an empty hand like an experienced poker player. Trudeau expelled Indian diplomats. India returned the favor. Business Talk Fruz. The visa stopped. And Ottawa suddenly felt that when you fight with the fifth largest economy in the world, you would be more than better moral outrage.
And then the collapse came.
Khalistanis lost
Jagmeet Singh, the pagmat torchbier of Khalistani sympathy, went to the story of caution from the kingmaker. He lost his seat. This was a suitable end for a politician, whose increase in NDP leadership raised some questions on the leadership process.
Back in 2017, Jagmeet Singh won the NDP leadership on a large scale on the strength of the new members signed by his campaign – a victory was quietly questioned by some party veterans. While the total voting was only 52.8%, Leo’s recruitments showed him in force, giving him 53.8% on the first voting. Three other candidates supported by traditional NDP members were left behind. This was an early indication of how identity politics and block sign-up can tilt the internal balance of Canadian parties-and, in the case of Leo, how to have a sympathy for factions towards Khalistani rhetoric, who can find their way to the top through gathering rather than comprehensive consent.
Come 2025, and NDP lost the status of the official party. Voters clarified: The support of separatist rhetoric is not multiculturalism – this is madness. The Liberal Party, which was already suffering from amateur-hour foreign policy, saw Trudeau closed at political sunset, his India gambler exploded on his face.
But lets not kid ourselves. The rot was not limited to the liberals. All Canadian parties – from Poilavere’s orthodoxy to Leo’s NDP – played FootC with extremism. Nobody wanted to say loudly to the quiet part: that the Khalistani ideology was once wrapped in the language of rights and victims, mutated in a cover for politics of hatred. Posters calling for violence against Indian diplomats. Temple attacks. The social media clip declared Canada a settling state, which should be disintegrated – by the army, a miracle?
The intellectual decay went even deeper. Canadian gurudwaras ran the “referendum” with the enthusiasm of an evil voting booth on the independence of Punjab. Educationist became a launchpad for masqurading agitprop as scholarship. Cultural programs hosted masked fundamentalists, who raised slogans loudly compared to their arguments. Meanwhile, Indian consulates were stormy, frescoes in Hindu temples – and Ottawa responded with bromoids about tolerance.
Through all this, India played a long game. Authorities repeated a single line like a mantra: “We have not found any reliable evidence.” Translated: Prove or pipe it down.
Now, with Trudeau, Mark carney In, and a battered NDP, nursing its wounds, New Delhi would quietly smile in a long game played in this diplomatic kerffal, where he refused to give legitimacy to Canada. When PM Narendra Modi tweeted after the election to congratulate Mark Carney, there was a special phrase that found his way in official words.

The Trudeau era’s fancy flights are followed by a quiet diplomacy soon as the restructuring of India and Canada.
Let’s clarify: It was never about all Sikhs. It was about a fringe movement, who kidnapped the microphone in the gurudwaras, manipulated the victims, and wore a puzzle of human rights, chanting slogans of rebellion. He paraded the images of Indira Gandhi’s assassination not as history, but as a prediction. He treated terror as the theater. And for a very long time, Canada appreciated the balcony.
But the curtain has now fallen. Democracy friendly to the most Khalistan of the West issued only one political preventive order. India did not glott. It was not needed. The Khalistan project in Canada did not end with a blast. It ended with a ballot – and very loud silence from Ottawa. Good reduction behind the bad screen. As Hillary Clinton said all those years ago when the words meaning in the corridors of power: “You cannot keep a snake in your backyard and expect them to cut their neighbor only.” Hopefully, this is a lesson Canada will move forward.